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Myanmar : The Politics of Rakhine State
International Crisis Group – Asia Report N°261 – 22 October 2014
The situation in Rakhine State contains a toxic mixture of historical centre-periphery tensions, serious intercommunal and inter-religious conflict with minority Muslim communities, and extreme poverty and under-development. This led to major violence in 2012 and further sporadic outbreaks since then. The political temperature is high, and likely to increase as Myanmar moves closer to national elections at the end of 2015. The problems faced by Rakhine State are rooted in decades of armed violence, authoritarian rule and state-society conflict. This crisis has affected the whole of the state and all communities within it. It requires a sustained and multi-pronged response, as well as critical humanitarian and protection interventions in the interim.
The largest group in the state are the Rakhine, who are Buddhist, and there is a significant Muslim minority, including the Rohingya – a designation rejected by the government and Rakhine. Muslim communities, in particular the Rohingya, have over the years been progressively marginalised from social and political life. Many have long been denied full citizenship, with significant consequences for their livelihoods and well-being. There are now efforts underway in the legislature to disenfranchise them, which could be incendiary. The Rohingya see this as their last remaining connection to politics and means of influence. Without this, it would be hard for them to avoid the conclusion that politics had failed them – which could prompt civil disobedience or even organised violence.
The situation in Rakhine State, the gravity of which was highlighted in 2012 by major violence that left scores dead and some 140,000 displaced, is complex and there are no easy solutions. Like the rest of Myanmar, Rakhine State is a diverse region. The largest group in the state are the Rakhine Buddhists, who make up about 60 per cent of the 3.2 million total population. Muslim communities, including the Rohingya, are about 30 per cent, and the remaining 10 per cent consist of Chin (who are Buddhist, Christian or animist) and a number of other small minorities, including the Kaman (also Muslim), Mro, Khami, Dainet and Maramagyi.
This report, which is based on extensive field research in Rakhine State and Bangladesh, aims to situate these developments and the current tensions within a broader context. It provides some relevant historical background, details of the political dynamics at play within the Buddhist and Muslim communities, an understanding of regional dynamics, and an outline of what more can be done to address the situation.
Rakhine (Arakan) State is separated from the rest of Myanmar by a formidable mountain range, the Rakhine Yoma. This isolated it from the main political and economic centres of Myanmar, and its historical development proceeded mostly independently from the rest of the country until it was conquered by Burmese King Bodawpaya in 1785. It has long been a frontier between Muslim and Buddhist Asia, and the politics of religion continues to heavily influence the popular consciousness.
The last independent Rakhine kingdom was established at Mrauk-U in 1430, with military assistance from the Sultan of Bengal. The kingdom was initially subordinate to the sultan, and in recognition of this the Rakhine Buddhist kings adopted Muslim titles and issued coins bearing Muslim inscriptions. Some of the Muslim soldiers from Bengal established their own settlements in the kingdom at that time, around present day Mrauk-U and Kyauktaw.
The kingdom became independent in 1531, when the Rakhine took advantage of the Mughal invasion of Bengal to consolidate their authority and occupy east Bengal up to Chittagong, in present-day Bangladesh. The Rakhine kings, although Buddhist, continued their custom of taking Muslim titles. Some prominent positions within the royal administration also continued to be filled by Muslims. Mrauk-U became a prosperous trade hub, and the kingdom built up a powerful naval force that dominated the coastline of the Bay of Bengal and the Gulf of Martaban – from Chittagong to Mawlamyine and beyond.
Over the next two-and-a-half centuries, the borders of the Mrauk-U kingdom shifted as its power rose and fell. European and Arab traders visited the coastal ports, with a particularly prominent presence of Portuguese – as traders, mercenaries and pirates. Together with Rakhine sailors, they engaged in raids on Bengal, bringing back captives who were used as slaves by the Mrauk-U kingdom, increasing the Muslim population.
In 1660, the Mughal Prince Shah Shuja fled to Mrauk-U, with some of his soldiers, and the sanctuary he was given by the Rakhine king prompted more Bengali Muslims to move to Mrauk-U. When Shah Shuja was killed by the king after relations soured, his remaining soldiers were incorporated into the elite palace guard as a special unit of archers known as “Kaman” (the Persian word for “bow”). This unit was reinforced over time with Afghan mercenaries, and became the key power broker in the palace. Ultimately, though, it overreached and in 1710 most Kaman were exiled to Ramree (Yanbye) Island, south of Sittwe. The Kaman Muslims are now a recognised indigenous ethnic group in Rakhine State, and many have held high positions in Rakhine society, as teachers, doctors, civil servants and other professionals.
A power struggle among the Rakhine nobility led to the downfall of Mrauk-U. A pretender to the throne requested Burmese King Bodawpaya to invade, and in 1784-1785 the Rakhine forces were routed by a surprise attack from a powerful Burmese force. Mrauk-U was largely destroyed and the Rakhine kingdom annexed to Burma. The nobility were forcibly removed to Upper Burma, and some 200,000 Rakhine fled to Chittagong.
