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Rohingya Khobor > Op-ed > The Refugee Camp as a Border: Why Rohingya Are Trapped Without Leaving
Op-ed

The Refugee Camp as a Border: Why Rohingya Are Trapped Without Leaving

Last updated: January 2, 2026 8:49 AM
RK News Desk
Published: January 2, 2026
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13 Min Read
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For the Rohingya in Bangladesh, the border is no longer a line on a map. It is a condition of life.

Contents
  • Confinement Without Crossing
  • The Camp as Legal Border
  • Communication as a Border
  • Physical Boundaries Made Permanent
  • A Life Lived Entirely Inside the Border
  • The Humanitarian Border
  • Security Narratives and Internal Borders
  • Borders That Do Not Lead Anywhere
  • The Normalization of Confinement
  • What a Border Denies
  • Conclusion: Trapped Without Leaving

The camps in Cox’s Bazar were never meant to become permanent. When nearly a million Rohingya fled violence in Myanmar in 2017, the settlements were framed as emergency shelters—temporary spaces meant to hold people until safety, justice, or return became possible. Eight years later, the emergency has hardened into structure. The camps now function as borders in their own right, enclosing lives without allowing departure, movement, or belonging.

This is not a metaphorical claim. It is a legal, administrative, and spatial reality documented by human rights organizations, humanitarian agencies, and legal scholars. The Rohingya are confined not only by fences and checkpoints, but by policies that restrict movement, deny work, prohibit formal education, limit communication, and suspend legal recognition. The result is a population that lives inside a country without access to the rights that normally come with presence.

Borders usually separate states. In Cox’s Bazar, the border runs through everyday life.

Confinement Without Crossing

Human Rights Watch has documented how Bangladesh restricts Rohingya movement both within and beyond the camps. Refugees are barred from traveling freely outside designated areas, and leaving the camps without permission can result in arrest or detention. These policies are enforced through checkpoints, patrols, and local administrative controls that regulate who may move and where.

Legal analyses of Bangladesh’s framework describe this condition as one of “precarious legality.” Rohingya are not formally recognized as refugees under domestic law, nor granted a stable legal status that would allow freedom of movement, access to courts, or employment. Instead, they are governed by a patchwork of administrative orders that emphasize containment over integration.

UNHCR has acknowledged that Rohingya in Bangladesh are confined to camps and that restrictions on movement are justified by the authorities as a means of encouraging eventual repatriation. Yet repatriation remains impossible under current conditions in Myanmar, where discrimination, insecurity, and rights violations persist. In practice, policies meant to preserve temporariness have produced long-term confinement.

This confinement has existed for decades. Studies published in Forced Migration Review note that Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh have historically been denied the right to work, move freely, or access public services. What is new is scale. Today, these restrictions affect one of the largest refugee populations in the world.

The Camp as Legal Border

Borders are not only physical barriers; they are legal filters. They determine who can work, study, travel, or belong. In the camps, those filters operate internally.

Education provides one clear example. Human Rights Watch has shown that Rohingya children are denied access to Bangladesh’s formal education system. Learning centers inside the camps operate without accreditation and do not provide recognized certification. UNICEF reports that hundreds of thousands of Rohingya children depend entirely on these temporary systems, leaving them without educational continuity or credentials that could be used beyond the camps.

The effect is generational. Children born in the camps grow up with no recognized schooling, no citizenship, and no lawful pathway to employment. The camp becomes not just a place of residence, but a boundary that limits futures.

Work is similarly restricted. Rohingya are prohibited from formal employment, forcing families to rely almost entirely on humanitarian assistance. Reports by development and policy institutions show that this exclusion prevents self-reliance and reinforces dependency. The inability to work legally outside the camps functions as an economic border, separating refugees from surrounding society even when geographic distance is minimal.

Legal access is also constrained. Research on access to justice in Bangladesh notes that Rohingya face barriers to courts and legal remedies due to movement restrictions, lack of documentation, and fear of arrest. In effect, the camps exist outside the ordinary legal geography of the country.

Communication as a Border

In 2019, Bangladesh imposed a telecommunications shutdown in the camps, cutting off mobile data and severely limiting communication. Human Rights Watch and regional rights groups warned that the blackout restricted access to information, emergency services, and contact with family members. Although some connectivity has since been restored, the episode revealed how digital access itself is treated as a security concern.

FORUM-ASIA and other rights organizations described the shutdown as a form of collective restriction that intensified isolation. In an era where access to information shapes education, livelihoods, and safety, the denial of communication reinforced the camp as a sealed space.

The border, in this sense, was not at the edge of the country. It was embedded in signal towers, SIM card policies, and administrative controls over who could connect to the outside world.

Physical Boundaries Made Permanent

The physical design of the camps reinforces this enclosure. Human Rights Watch has reported on fencing and barriers erected around Rohingya settlements, ostensibly for security. In 2021, a massive fire swept through parts of the camps, killing and injuring refugees who were unable to escape due to these barriers. Investigators concluded that structures meant to control movement had directly endangered lives.

Relocation to Bhasan Char, an isolated island in the Bay of Bengal, illustrates the same logic in more literal form. Legal analyses of the relocation agreements note that refugees on the island are permitted to move only within Bhasan Char, not beyond it. The island functions as a physical border by design—remote, controlled, and disconnected from mainland society.

Movement restrictions on Bhasan Char mirror those in Cox’s Bazar but with added geographic isolation. Rights groups have described the island as a place where confinement is enforced by water as much as policy.

A Life Lived Entirely Inside the Border

UNICEF reports that more than half a million Rohingya children have been born since the 2017 exodus. Many have never left the camps. For them, the border is not something crossed during flight; it is the environment in which life unfolds.

These children grow up in spaces where education is informal, movement is restricted, and legal identity is unresolved. Their daily lives are shaped by humanitarian schedules—food distributions, learning center hours, health clinic queues. These systems provide survival, but they also define the limits of existence.

Academic research on refugee environments describes how such spaces compress social, psychological, and political horizons. Camps shrink the world. Over time, the distinction between temporary shelter and permanent boundary erodes. What was meant to protect becomes what confines.

The Humanitarian Border

Humanitarian assistance sustains life in the camps, but it also contributes to their function as borders. Aid systems are designed around registration, eligibility, and location. Assistance is delivered to those who remain inside designated spaces. Leaving the camp can mean losing access to food, health care, or shelter.

Recent reporting by Reuters and the Associated Press on funding shortfalls underscores this dependency. As aid budgets shrink, services deteriorate. Education programs close. Food rations are reduced. Yet the restrictions on movement and work remain. Refugees are confined to a space where support is declining and alternatives are prohibited.

UNHCR has warned that essential services in the camps risk collapse. But without the right to move, work, or integrate, Rohingya have no lawful way to compensate for these losses. The camp thus operates as a humanitarian border: crossing it threatens survival.

Security Narratives and Internal Borders

Governments often justify restrictions in the camps through security language. Reports by rights groups and media outlets show how concerns about crime, militancy, or instability are used to frame Rohingya presence as a risk. This framing influences public discourse and policy.

Security narratives transform refugees into objects of surveillance. Checkpoints, patrols, and monitoring become normalized. In this environment, the camp resembles a controlled zone rather than a place of refuge.

International Crisis Group and other analysts have warned that prolonged confinement and lack of opportunity can fuel insecurity rather than prevent it. Yet the response to such risks often involves tighter control, reinforcing the very conditions that produce vulnerability.

Borders That Do Not Lead Anywhere

Ordinarily, borders are crossed to reach another place. For the Rohingya, crossing the camp boundary does not lead to safety or rights; it leads to arrest, detention, or return. The camps are surrounded not by opportunity, but by prohibition.

At the same time, returning to Myanmar remains unsafe. UN and rights reports consistently state that conditions necessary for voluntary, safe, and dignified return do not exist. Discrimination, insecurity, and lack of citizenship persist.

This creates a closed circuit. The Rohingya cannot go forward, backward, or outward. The camp is not a waiting room; it is a cul-de-sac.

The Normalization of Confinement

Perhaps the most consequential aspect of this system is how normalized it has become. Over time, restrictions that once appeared extraordinary are treated as routine. Children grow up knowing no other life. Humanitarian agencies adapt programs to fit permanent temporariness. Policymakers speak of the crisis as protracted.

Academic analyses describe this as the normalization of exception. Camps become enduring spaces where rights are suspended indefinitely. Temporary measures become permanent without formal acknowledgment.

The border, once external, becomes internalized—built into policy, infrastructure, and daily routine.

What a Border Denies

Borders deny access. In Cox’s Bazar, they deny work, education, movement, communication, and legal identity. They deny the ability to plan a future.

The Rohingya are not confined because they crossed a border illegally; they are confined because no political solution has replaced emergency management. The camp fills the void left by the absence of rights.

This condition is not accidental. It reflects choices made by states, donors, and institutions that prioritize containment over inclusion and temporariness over resolution.

Conclusion: Trapped Without Leaving

The Rohingya camps in Bangladesh are not merely humanitarian spaces. They are borders—internal, invisible, and enduring. They separate people from rights while allowing them to remain physically present.

Understanding the camps as borders clarifies what is at stake. This is not only a crisis of aid or shelter. It is a crisis of freedom, mobility, and belonging.

As long as camps function as borders, Rohingya will remain trapped without leaving—alive, assisted, and confined. The challenge facing the international community is not how to manage these borders more efficiently, but how to dismantle them by restoring rights, movement, and political solutions that allow life beyond the camp.

Until then, the border will remain where it should never have been: inside the lives of those who sought refuge.

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